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Diane's History Blog
Monday, December 8, 2014
Summary of Final Paper: Tamsen Donner: Martyr to Western Expansionism
12. Summary of
Final Paper:
Tamsen Donner:
Martyr to Western Expansionism
Primary sources include
early letters from Tamsen Donner and other Donner pioneers. Many tend to contradict
one another, creating a challenge for historians to identify, interpret and
reconcile disputed collective memories in order to draw conclusions.
Donner was born into
an upper middle-class family in Massachusetts in 1801. Educated as a teacher, she (unlike most
antebellum women) remained single and independent, traveling widely and
teaching school. At twenty-seven, she married
Tully Dozier, bore him a son, and thrived on family life. Within one year, however, she had a
miscarriage; her husband and then her infant died; she contracted malaria. On her own again, she struggled to overcome
her adversities, supporting herself for the next ten years. She married prosperous George Donner in
Springfield, Illinois in 1837, becoming stepmother to his children and adding
three daughters of their own.
George Donner
shared his wife's wanderlust. Both were
attracted by the lure of opportunity in California, and they headed West in
May, 1846. Tamsen Donner writes of the
beauty of the plains, the immensity of bison herds, and of bartering with
friendly Sioux and Pawnee. Against her
better judgment, her husband opted to take a "short cut" to
California. Without a trail to follow,
the party experienced wagon breakdowns in the Wasatch Mountains and thirst along
the Salt Lake flats. They reached the
Sierra Nevadas a month later than planned; in late October, early snowstorms
ensnared them near the summit. The
Donners survived in a primitive lean-to and ate their livestock, but food ran
out by Christmas. Weaker members of the
party began dying of starvation. Later findings of mutilated human remains
testify to subsequent cannibalism. Reports
vary as to the Donners' participation.
Here again, collective memory confuses the issue.
George Donner injured
his hand, which became infected and led to blood-poisoning. Tamsen Donner took over responsibility for
the family. In February, 1847, a search party reached them, bearing meager
provisions. Donner sent her three stepchildren
out of the mountains with them. Weeks
later, another rescue team arrived and took her three youngest daughters to
California. She feared she would never
see her children again, but out of loyalty or obligation, Donner remained at
camp with her dying husband.
With George
Donner's death, competing collective remembrances present another quandary about
Tamsen Donner's last days. In one
iteration, she wandered into the camp of one of the last remaining
emigrants. He took her in, and when she
died in her sleep he cannibalized her.
However, there was no trace of Donner's body. Other sources speculate that she wandered
off, disoriented and starving, and perished in the wilderness.
Regardless of how
she died, Donner's valiant efforts and hard decisions saved her children. Based on her background, it seems unlikely (but
not certain) that the Donners ate human flesh.
Though her name has become synonymous with the cruel side of western
expansionism, she, like many other pioneer women, can be credited with making
sacrifices that eventually "won the West."
Saturday, November 29, 2014
Devil's Bargains
11. Devil's Bargains
to going out of my way to glimpse, say, the world's biggest ball of twine. Tourist traps, often against
the better judgments of those who run them, give visitors an essential sense of an area's
ambiance. By paying less attention to what is written on the signs and in the brochures and more to
local and "neonative" input, it's possible to achieve a truer experience.
Hal K. Rothman, in Devil's Bargain, Tourism in the Twentieth-Century American West, is
not concerned whether or not tourists enjoy themselves. His thrust is understanding how innovative
outside investors may destroy the very places they invade, changing the areas and their
residents. Although Rothman explains this
as a western phenomenon, the infusion of big money into backwoods, picturesque
locations has precedents elsewhere and earlier.
Reading about the transformation of Paepcke's Aspen reminded me of David
McCullough's Johnstown Flood
(1968). In 1889, a handful of wealthy
magnets created an artificial lake resort above the town of Johnstown,
Pennsylvania for their private recreation and enjoyment -- and inadvertently
devastated the downstream town and its people when their man-made dam
burst. Although most of Rothman's examples
have less dire physical repercussions, incursions into places like Sun Valley,
the Grand Canyon or Carlsbad Caverns likewise changed perceptions and interrupted
local lives. The wide open spaces and
untouched nature of the West made it possible for the moneyed few to take
unfair advantage.
From my standpoint
as tourist, I particularly enjoyed
Chapter 6, "Interregional Tourism."
As a child in the 1950s, I was aware of the influence of automobiles in
our lives. The family car provided my
first familiarity with the glories of the western terrain. Every year or so our family left Spokane for
an eight-hour road trip west to Seattle (which now takes about half that long). We motored down the two-lane highway in Dad's
'55 Buick into the arid conditions of central Washington, a literal desert
compared to our manicured lawn at home. The
tiny, colorless towns through which we passed held neither interest nor promise
for us. Crossing the Cascade Mountains
with its high peaks, lakes and waterfalls
invariably awed me (still does!).
When we reached lush, green western Washington and the blue Puget Sound,
I felt much farther from home than the 280 miles we had travelled. The ride itself was the adventure. I craved, as Rothman states on
page 150, "difference
. . . new activities, seeing new places and doing
new things . . . travel did not have to mean anything more than an opportunity
to get away."
This past May,
my husband and I toured the Mid-West in our SUV. In Missouri, we located the legendary Route
66, intending to follow it to visit old-time tourist traps. Instead, we discovered only short,
intermittent segments of the road, interrupted by seventy-five years of modern
"improvements" that bisect and obliterate most of 66. It
was one of Rothman's devil's bargains: its very success in opening the West to
auto travel lead to its obsolescence.
Sunday, November 23, 2014
Saturday, November 15, 2014
Was the Comancheria an Empire?
10. Was the
Comancheria an Empire?
November 15, 2014
Pekka Hamalainen's The Comanche Empire (2008) contends that
between 1700 and the early 1800s the Comanches conquered an expansive section
of southwestern America to create the
Comancheria empire that rivaled the imperialistic efforts of Europeans.
The concept of an
all-powerful empire among Native Americans seems unique, something I've not previously
considered. American history seldom
endows minority groups with such superlatives: Hamalainen obviously intends to start
a new discussion about the power and influence of the Comanches. There
is little question that they reinvented themselves to meet the needs of their evolving
world as they moved south across the plains.
They became expert equestrians and bison hunters. They developed
outstanding economic and political skills that interplayed and vied with
Europeans who had a far more extensive history of international machinations. The
Comanches incorporated outsiders into their families and tribe, often through
slavery, to bolster their numbers and strength.
Their warrior spirit and grasp of
conflict, conquest and alliances were par excellence. Eighteenth-century Comanches were a vibrant, dominant,
intimidating, hierarchical, resourceful and violent people. But was their Comancheria an empire, an
example of reverse colonialism?
It is tempting to
permit a sense of presentism when recalling our country's deplorable historical
treatment of Indians. True, most Americans
no longer accept good-cowboys-besting-bad-wild-Indians scenarios as the basis for
relationships between the two cultures.
But neither have we established a firm footing or a meeting of the minds
as to who Indians were (are) or how they fit into the American landscape; the
ongoing debate over the name of Washington's football team pinpoints this quite
succinctly. New cultural approaches
encourage greater open-mindedness in the search for and acknowledgment of
greater agency in Native American cultures.
But has Hamalainen gone too far in an effort to accomplish this? By elevating the Comancheria to the echelon
of empire, he detracts from the reality of an industrious people who redeveloped
their culture, suffered losses and enjoyed successes, and left an imprint on
their times. Raising the Comancheria to
empire status inevitably leads to an overemphasis on their denouement: the Comanche's dramatic fall from grace when Euro-Americans
overran the West, the end of the bison economy, and the crumbling of the
foundations of their indigenous "empire."
Reading The Comanche Empire, I preferred to
focus more on Comanche accomplishments and errors than on Caesarian or
Hitlerian ideologies of grand empire. The haphazard sprawl of the Comancheria across
the Southwest, for instance, did not include definitive, defendable borders of
empire -- nor did the tribe appear to need them. By absorbing people of other cultures to
increase their numbers, the Comanches evolved into an "ethnic melting
pot" rather than retaining distinct Comanche traits (360). They participated in the destruction of their
environment; the environment destroyed them.
They were diplomats and fearsome warriors who "reshape[d] their
economic strategies and social traditions" (348).
The Comanches
were a complex tribal group with a complex history, worthy of Hamalainen's
in-depth study. He centralizes their nation in American history, awarding them
with the recognition they deserve. However,
the description of Comanches as deliberate empire builders, a tribe vastly
superior to other indigenous people, somehow seems aggrandizing and
unnecessary, detracting from Comanche heritage.
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